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YouTube 推荐的视频改变了他的一生——视频网站 YouTube 如何激化巴西的社会矛盾 新台湾同性tube

来自轻芒:大家好,我是轻芒的编辑 ronghui。今天我们和大家一起阅读的来自《纽约时报》的文章,是关于视频网站 YouTube 如何影响巴西社会的报道。文章以一个普通巴西男生想学吉他的经历开始,讲述 YouTube 的推荐系统如何根据人们的选择分析他们他们的喜好留住用户、继而对人们的政治态度产生影响。对 YouTube 来说,它的诉求就是增加人们停留在 YouTube 上的时长。但研究人员却发现,虽然 YouTube 不承认有目的、也不愿意向媒体展示数据,但从这篇文章中你已经可以看出,这个视频网站在政治、医疗、教育等方面对社会民众的影响。我们也可以借此反思发生在我们身边的事情。这篇文章的作者是 Max Fisher 和 Amanda Taub,图文版权来自《纽约时报》。

*Matheus Dominguez 正在巴西的尼泰罗伊拍摄 YouTube 视频。摄影 Dado Galdieri,图文版权来自《纽约时报》

NITERÓI, Brazil — When Matheus Dominguez was 16, YouTube recommended a video that changed his life.

巴西尼泰罗伊电 – 马特乌斯·多明格斯 16 岁那年,YouTube 推荐的一段视频改变了他的人生。

He was in a band in Niterói, a beach-ringed city in Brazil, and practiced guitar by watching tutorials online.

当时,他参加了巴西海滨城市尼泰罗伊的一支乐队,通过观看在线教程练习吉他。

YouTube had recently installed a powerful new artificial intelligence system that learned from user behavior and paired videos with recommendations for others. One day, it directed him to an amateur guitar teacher named Nando Moura, who had gained a wide following by posting videos about heavy metal, video games and, most of all, politics.

在那之前不久,YouTube 启用了一套强大的新型人工智能系统,能够从用户的行为中学习,并将用户视频与其他推荐视频匹配。有一天,他在系统的引导下找到了一个名叫南多·莫拉的业余吉他教师,后者通过发布重金属、电子游戏以及涉及政治话题的视频获得了大批拥趸。

In colorful and paranoid far-right rants, Moura accused feminists, teachers and mainstream politicians of waging vast conspiracies. Dominguez was hooked.

莫拉带着偏执多疑的极右翼观点口若悬河地咆哮着,指责女权主义者、教师和主流政治人物大搞阴谋。多明格斯被吸引住了。

As his time on the site grew, YouTube recommended videos from other far-right figures. One was a lawmaker named Jair Bolsonaro, then a marginal figure in national politics — but a star in YouTube’s far-right community in Brazil, where the platform has become more widely watched than all but one TV channel.

随着多明格斯在该站点停留时间的增加,YouTube 又推荐了其他极右翼者的视频。其中一个是名叫雅伊尔·博索纳罗的议员,此人当时在国家政坛里尚不入流,但却是巴西 YouTube 极右翼群体中的明星。YouTube 在巴西的影响力极为广泛,已经到了只有一家电视频道的收视率能超过 YouTube 的程度。

Last year, he became President Bolsonaro.

去年,雅伊尔·博索纳罗议员成了总统博索纳罗。

“YouTube became the social media platform of the Brazilian right,” said Dominguez, now a lanky 17-year-old who says he, too, plans to seek political office.

「YouTube 成了巴西右翼的社交媒体平台,」现年 17 岁的多明格斯说。这个瘦长的小伙子说自己也打算从政。

Members of the nation’s newly empowered far right — from grassroots organizers to federal lawmakers — say their movement would not have risen so far, so fast, without YouTube’s recommendation engine.

从基层组织者到联邦议员,该国新近上台的极右翼组织成员纷纷表示,若没有 YouTube 的推荐,他们的运动不会发展得如此迅速。

New research has found they may be correct. YouTube’s search and recommendation system appears to have systematically diverted users to far-right and conspiracy channels in Brazil.

新的研究显示,他们可能所言不虚。YouTube 的搜索和推荐系统似乎有组织地将用户引向巴西极右翼和阴谋论频道。

A New York Times investigation in Brazil found that, time and again, videos promoted by the site have upended central elements of daily life.

《纽约时报》在巴西进行的一项调查发现,该网站推荐的视频已经一次又一次地颠覆了日常生活的核心元素。

Teachers describe classrooms made unruly by students who quote from YouTube conspiracy videos or who, encouraged by right-wing YouTube stars, secretly record their instructors.

教师们说,学生们引用 YouTube 上的阴谋论视频,或在 YouTube 右翼明星的鼓动下偷拍教师,让课堂变得难以驾驭。

Some parents look to “Dr. YouTube” for health advice but get dangerous misinformation instead, hampering the nation’s efforts to fight diseases like Zika. Viral videos have incited death threats against public health advocates.

有些家长在「YouTube 医生」上搜索健康建议,却得到危险的误导,妨碍了国家抗击寨卡病毒的努力。那些视频煽动人们以死亡为威胁,对抗公共健康倡导者。

And in politics, a wave of right-wing YouTube stars ran for office alongside Bolsonaro, some winning by historic margins. Most still use the platform, governing the world’s fourth-largest democracy through internet-honed trolling and provocation.

在政治上,一波右翼 YouTube 明星与博索纳罗一起参选公职,其中一些人以前所未有的优势获胜。他们中的大部分仍活跃在该平台上,借助互联网发酵出的言论和挑衅,统治着这个世界第四大民主国家。

YouTube’s recommendation system is engineered to maximize watchtime, among other factors, the company says, but not to favor any political ideology. The system suggests what to watch next, often playing the videos automatically, in a never-ending quest to keep us glued to our screens.

YouTube 方面称,该平台的推荐系统旨在尽可能延长用户的观看时间,而不是为了宣传任何政治意识形态。系统会对下一条视频给出建议,且通常自动开始播放,用无限循环的任务响应将我们定在屏幕前。

But the emotions that draw people in — like fear, doubt and anger — are often central features of conspiracy theories, and in particular, experts say, of right-wing extremism.

但专家们指出,诸如担忧、怀疑和愤怒等能抓住观众的情绪往往是阴谋论、特别是右翼极端主义的核心特征。

As the system suggests more provocative videos to keep users watching, it can direct them toward extreme content they might otherwise never find. And it is designed to lead users to new topics to pique new interest — a boon for channels like Moura’s that use pop culture as a gateway to far-right ideas.

由于系统会推荐更多带有煽动性的视频来吸引用户,因此可以将用户引向他们原本无法找到的极端内容。系统设计目的在于引导用户发现新话题、激发新的关注点,这给像莫拉那样利用流行文化传播极右翼思想的人提供了便利。

The system now drives 70% of total time on the platform, the company says. As viewership skyrockets globally, YouTube is bringing in more than $1 billion a month, some analysts believe.

YouTube 公司称,该系统目前控制着平台 70% 的播放时间。有分析人士认为,随着全球观众人数的飙升,YouTube 每月的收入超过 10 亿。

Zeynep Tufekci, a social media scholar, has called it “one of the most powerful radicalizing instruments of the 21st century.”

社交媒体学者泽伊内普·蒂费克奇称其为「21 世纪最强大的激进化工具」。

Company representatives disputed the studies’ methodology and said that the platform’s systems do not privilege any one viewpoint or direct users toward extremism. However, company representatives conceded some of the findings and promised to make changes.

YouTube 的发言人则对研究方法提出了质疑,称平台系统没有偏向任何一种观点,也没有将用户引向极端主义。不过,YouTube 方面也承认了部分研究结果,并承诺做出改变。

Farshad Shadloo, a spokesman, said YouTube has “invested heavily in the policies, resources and products” to reduce the spread of harmful misinformation, adding, “we’ve seen that authoritative content is thriving in Brazil and is some of the most recommended content on the site.”

发言人法尔沙德·沙德卢说,YouTube「在政策、资源和产品上投入了大量资金」,以减少有害的错误信息的传播。他补充说,「我们已经看到,网站上的巴西官方内容越来越多,且常常得到推荐。」

Danah Boyd, founder of the think tank Data & Society, attributed the disruption in Brazil to YouTube’s unrelenting push for viewer engagement, and the revenues it generates.

数据与社会智库创始人达纳·博伊德认为,巴西的混乱应当归咎于 YouTube 对观众黏度以及由此产生的收益的持续推动。

Though corruption scandals and a deep recession had already devastated Brazil’s political establishment and left many Brazilians ready for a break with the status quo, Boyd called YouTube’s impact a worrying indication of the platform’s growing impact on democracies worldwide.

尽管腐败丑闻和严重的经济衰退已经摧毁了巴西的政治构建,让不少巴西人决心打破现状,但博伊德认为,YouTube 在巴西的影响力表明,该平台对全球民主国家的冲击与日俱增,着实令人担忧。

“This is happening everywhere,” she said.

「这种情况正在各地上演,」她说。

The Party of YouTube

YouTube 党

Maurício Martins, the local vice president of Bolsonaro’s party in Niterói, credited “most” of the party’s recruitment to YouTube — including his own.

毛里西奥·马丁斯是博索纳罗所在政党在尼泰罗伊地区的地方副主席,他认为该党的成员「大部分」来自 YouTube,包括他自己。

He was killing time on the site one day, he recalled, when the platform showed him a video by a right-wing blogger. He watched out of curiosity. It showed him another, and then another.

他回忆说,有一天,自己在网上打发时间,平台向他推荐了一个右翼博主的视频。他出于好奇开始观看,随后,平台不断推荐,一个接一个地播下去。

“Before that, I didn’t have an ideological political background,” Martins said. YouTube’s auto-playing recommendations, he declared, were “my political education.”

马丁斯说:「在那之前,我没有任何政治意识背景。」他称 YouTube 的自动播放推荐是「我的政治启蒙课」。

“It was like that with everyone,” he said.

「每个人都是这样,」他说。

The platform’s political influence is increasingly felt in Brazilian schools.

该平台的政治影响力在巴西的学校里也日渐明显。

“Sometimes I’m watching videos about a game, and all of a sudden it’s a Bolsonaro video,” said Inzaghi D., a 17-year-old high schooler in Niterói.

「有时候,我正在看比赛,突然就出现了博索纳罗的视频,」在尼泰罗伊读高中的 17 岁的因扎吉·D. 说。

More and more, his fellow students are making extremist claims, often citing as evidence YouTube stars like Moura, the guitarist-turned-conspiracist.

他的同学们开始越来越频繁地发表极端主义言论,且常常引用摇身一变成阴谋论者的吉他手莫拉等 YouTube 明星作为例证。

“It’s the main source that kids have to get information,” he said.

「这是年轻人的主要信息来源,」他说。

Few illustrate YouTube’s influence better than Carlos Jordy.

卡洛斯·乔迪的故事或许可以更清晰地反映 YouTube 的影响力。

Musclebound and heavily tattooed — his left hand bears a flaming skull with diamond eyes — he joined the City Council in 2017 with few prospects of rising through traditional politics. So Jordy took inspiration from bloggers like Moura and his political mentor, Bolsonaro, turning his focus to YouTube.

乔迪肌肉发达,满身纹身,左手上纹着一个带有钻石眼的燃烧骷髅图案。2017 年,他加入市议会,但通过传统政治途径继续上升的希望渺茫。于是,他受莫拉及其政治引路人博索纳罗等博主启发,将自己的努力方向转到了 YouTube。

He posted videos accusing local teachers of conspiring to indoctrinate students into communism. The videos won him a “national audience,” he said, and propelled his stunning rise, only two years later, to the federal legislature.

他发布视频,指责当地教师合谋向学生灌输共产主义思想。他说,这些视频为他赢得了「全国观众」,并帮助他在短短两年后一鸣惊人,进入了联邦立法机构。

“If social media didn’t exist, I wouldn’t be here,” he said. “Jair Bolsonaro wouldn’t be president.”

「如果没有社交媒体,我就不会在这里,雅伊尔·博索纳罗也不会当上总统,」他说。

Down The Rabbit Hole

扑朔迷离

A few hundred miles from Niterói, a team of researchers led by Virgilio Almeida at the Federal University of Minas Gerais hunched over computers, trying to understand how YouTube shapes its users’ reality.

在距尼泰罗伊几百英里的地方,由米纳斯吉拉斯联邦大学的维尔吉利奥·阿尔梅达带领的一队研究人员扑在电脑前,试图了解 YouTube 是如何影响着用户的现实生活。

The team analyzed trans from thousands of videos, as well as the comments beneath them. Right-wing channels in Brazil, they found, had seen their audiences expand far faster than others did, and seemed to be tilting the site’s overall political content.

研究小组分析了数千个视频以及相应的评论。他们发现,巴西右翼频道的观众增长量远远大于其他频道,且似乎正左右着该网站的总体政治走向。

In the months after YouTube changed its algorithm, positive mentions of Bolsonaro ballooned. So did mentions of conspiracy theories that he had floated. This began as polls still showed him to be deeply unpopular, suggesting that the platform was doing more than merely reflecting political trends.

YouTube 改变系统算法后的几个月内,对博索纳罗的正面评价激增,他鼓吹的阴谋论也被更频繁地引用。该现象刚刚出现时,民意调查结果显示他的支持率仍然相当低,这说明,平台所起的作用绝非仅仅反映政治趋势。

A team at Harvard’s Berkman Klein Center set out to test whether the Brazilian far right’s meteoric rise on the platform had been boosted by YouTube’s recommendation engine.

哈佛大学伯克曼克莱因中心的一支团队进行了一项测试,希望找出 YouTube 的推荐引擎是否推动了巴西极右翼在网络平台上的迅速崛起。

Jonas Kaiser and Yasodara Córdova, with Adrian Rauchfleisch of National Taiwan University, programmed a Brazil-based server to enter a popular channel or search term, then open YouTube’s top recommendations, then follow the recommendations on each of those, and so on.

乔纳斯·凯泽、雅索达拉·科尔多瓦以及国立台湾大学的阿德里安·劳赫弗莱施编写了一个基于巴西的服务程序,让它输入一个流行频道或搜索词,然后打开 YouTube 的热门推荐,再按照推荐一个接一个地循环下去。

By repeating this thousands of times, the researchers tracked how the platform moved users from one video to the next. They found that after users watched a video about politics or even entertainment, YouTube’s recommendations often favored right-wing, conspiracy-filled channels like Moura’s.

通过数千次重复,研究人员追踪了平台将用户从一个视频引向另一个视频的过程。他们发现,当用户观看了一条有关政治或甚至只是娱乐的视频之后,YouTube 往往会推荐充满阴谋论调的右翼频道,比如莫拉的视频。

Crucially, users who watched one far-right channel would often be shown many more.

最关键的是,用户只要看了一个极右翼频道,就会得到更多相关推荐。

The algorithm had united once-marginal channels — and then built an audience for them, the researchers concluded.

研究人员得出结论,该算法整合了曾经被边缘化的频道,然后为它们建立起一个观众群。

One of those channels belonged to Bolsonaro, who had long used the platform to post hoaxes and conspiracies. Though a YouTube early adopter, his online following had done little to expand his political base, which barely existed on a national level.

那些频道中有一个就属于博索纳罗。他曾长期利用该平台发布虚假言论和阴谋论。虽然他很早就开始使用 YouTube,但在国内几乎没有什么政治基础,网上的追随者们也没能帮助他扩大基础。

Then Brazil’s political system collapsed just as YouTube’s popularity there soared. Bolsonaro’s views had not changed. But YouTube’s far-right, where he was a major figure, saw its audience explode, helping to prime large numbers of Brazilians for his message at a time when the country was ripe for a political shift.

随后,在 YouTube 在巴西人气高涨之际,巴西的政治体系崩溃了。博索纳罗的观点并没有改变,但 YouTube 上以他为代表的极右翼群体却感受到了观众的爆炸式增长。等到巴西政治转型时机成熟,大批巴西人已经通过网站熟悉了他的观点。

YouTube challenged the researchers’ methodology and said its internal data contradicted their findings. But the company declined the Times’ requests for that data, as well as requests for certain statistics that would reveal whether or not the researchers’ findings were accurate.

YouTube 对研究人员的方法提出质疑,称他们的研究结果与公司的内部数据相左。但该公司拒绝了《纽约时报》开放数据的要求,也拒绝进行能揭示研究结果准确性的相关统计。

*Gisleangela Oliveira dos Santos 带她的女儿离开家,她的女儿患有头小畸形。Gisleangela Oliveira 看了 YouTube 上看了关于 Zika 是通过疫苗或杀虫剂传播的视频。

‘Dr. YouTube’

「YouTube医生」

The conspiracies were not limited to politics. Many Brazilians searching YouTube for health care information found videos that terrified them: some said Zika was being spread by vaccines, or by the insecticides meant to curb the spread of the mosquito-borne disease that has ravaged northeastern Brazil.

阴谋论不仅局限于政治领域。很多巴西人在 YouTube 上搜索医疗保健信息时都会发现一些骇人的视频。有视频称,寨卡病毒是通过疫苗或杀虫剂传播的,而那些杀虫本是用来剂抑肆虐巴西东北部地区的蚊媒疾病。

The videos appeared to rise on the platform in much the same way as extremist political content: by making alarming claims and promising forbidden truths that kept users glued to their screens.

这些视频在网络平台上的出现方式似乎与那些极端政治内容的传播方式相同,都是抛出某些耸人听闻的声明和所谓禁止泄漏的真相来吸引用户。

Doctors, social workers and former government officials said the videos had created the foundation of a public health crisis as frightened patients refused vaccines and even anti-Zika insecticides.

医生、社会工作者和前政府官员表示,这些视频为公共卫生埋下了隐患,因为惊恐的患者拒绝接种疫苗,甚至拒绝使用抗寨卡病毒的杀虫剂。

The consequences have been pronounced in poorer communities like Maceió, a city in Brazil’s northeast that was among the hardest hit by Zika.

由此造成的后果已在巴西东北部城市马塞约等较为贫困的寨卡病毒重灾区显现出来。

“Fake news is a virtual war,” said Flávio Santana, a pediatric neurologist based in Maceió. “We have it coming from every direction.”

马塞约的儿童神经学家弗拉维奥·桑塔纳说:「假新闻无异于一场战争,它无处不在。」

When Zika first spread in 2015, health workers distributed larvicides that killed the mosquitoes that spread the disease.

2015年,寨卡病毒首次流行时,医务工作者们分发了杀虫剂以消灭传播病毒的蚊虫。

Not long after YouTube installed its new recommendation engine, Santana’s patients began telling him that they’d seen videos blaming Zika on vaccines — and, later, on larvicides. Many refused both.

但 YouTube 使用新的推荐引擎后不久,桑塔纳的病人开始告诉他,他们看到一些视频将寨卡归咎于疫苗,后来又说是杀虫剂惹的祸。很多人因此拒绝使用。

Dr. Auriene Oliviera, an infectious disease specialist at the same hospital, said patients increasingly defied her advice, including on procedures crucial to their child’s survival.

来自同一所医院的传染病学专家奥里尼·奥利维拉医生说,病人们渐渐开始无视她的建议,甚至拒绝事关孩子生死的手术。

“They say, ‘No, I’ve researched it on Google, I’ve seen it on YouTube,’ ” she said.

「他们说,『不,我在 Google 上查过,在 YouTube 上看过』。」

Medical providers, she said, were competing “every single day” against “Dr. Google and Dr. YouTube” — and they were losing.

她说,医务工作者「每天」都在同「Google 医生和 YouTube 医生」竞争,但他们眼看就要输了。

Mardjane Nunes, a Zika expert who recently left a senior role in the Health Ministry, said health workers across Brazil have been reporting similar experiences. As more communities refuse the anti-Zika larvicide, she added, the disease is seeing a small resurgence.

最近从卫生部高级岗位离任的寨卡专家玛德简·努涅斯说,全巴西的医务工作者们都报告过类似的经历。随着越来越多的人群拒绝使用抗寨卡杀虫剂,病毒正死灰复燃。

“Social media is winning,” she said.

「社交媒体赢了,」她说。

Brazil’s medical community had reason to feel outmatched. The Harvard researchers found that YouTube’s systems frequently directed users who searched for information on Zika, or even those who watched a reputable video on health issues, toward conspiracy channels.

巴西医学界的危机感并非没有道理。哈佛大学的研究人员发现,YouTube 系统常常把搜索寨卡病毒信息的用户、甚至那些观看可信赖的健康视频的用户引向阴谋论频道。

A spokesman for YouTube confirmed the Times’ findings, calling them unintended, and said the company would change how its search tool surfaced videos related to Zika.

YouTube 的一名发言人证实了 New York Times 的发现,但称这绝非故意,并表示公司将修改搜索引擎筛选寨卡视频的算法。

An ‘Ecosystem of Hate’

「充满仇恨的生态系统」

As the far right rose, many of its leading voices had learned to weaponize the conspiracy videos, offering their vast audiences a target: people to blame. Eventually, the YouTube conspiracists turned their spotlight on Debora Diniz, a women’s rights activist whose abortion advocacy had long made her a target of the far right.

随着极右翼势力的崛起,该派别的不少意见领袖都学会了将阴谋论视频作为武器,并为广大观众竖起一个靶子。最终,YouTube 上的阴谋论者们把枪口对准了女权活动家德博拉·迪尼斯,她的堕胎主张早就让她成了极右翼的眼中钉。

Bernardo Küster, a YouTube star whose homemade rants had won him 750,000 subscribers and an endorsement from Bolsonaro, accused her of involvement in the supposed Zika plots.

在 YouTube 上凭借自制视频赢得了 75 万名订阅者,还得到博索纳罗认可的明星贝尔纳多·库斯特指责迪尼斯参与了所谓的寨卡阴谋。

The very people working to help families affected by Zika, their videos implied, were behind the disease. Backed by shadowy foreigners, their goal was to abolish Brazil’s abortion ban — or even make abortions mandatory.

视频暗示,那些向受寨卡病毒影响的家庭伸出援手的人们,其实是疾病的幕后黑手。他们得到了外国势力的暗中支持,其目标在于废除巴西的堕胎禁令,甚至推行强制堕胎。

As far-right and conspiracy channels began citing one another, YouTube’s recommendation system learned to string their videos together. However implausible any individual rumor might be on its own, joined together, they created the impression that dozens of disparate sources were revealing the same terrifying truth.

随着极右翼和阴谋论频道开始互相引用,YouTube 的推荐系统学会了将这些视频关联在一起。即便单个谣言再荒唐,但三人成虎,几十个视频在一起,就让人们觉得是在揭示可怕的真相。

“It feels like the connection is made by the viewer, but the connection is made by the system,” Diniz said.

「看上去好像是观众自己把这些视频联系在一起,但制造这种关联的其实是系统,」迪尼斯说。

Threats of rape and torture filled Diniz’s phone and email. Some cited her daily routines. Many echoed claims from Küster’s videos, she said.

迪尼斯接到了无数要强奸她或对她实施人身攻击的恐吓电话和电邮,有些还人还知道她的日常行踪。她说,其中不少人都赞同库斯特视频中的观点。

Küster gleefully mentioned, though never explicitly endorsed, the threats. That kept him just within YouTube’s rules.

库斯特虽从未明确表示支持这些威胁,但提起来却不无得意。他的做法恰好没有违反 YouTube 的规则。

When the university where Diniz taught received a warning that a gunman would shoot her and her students, and the police said they could no longer guarantee her safety, she left Brazil.

迪尼斯任教的大学收到警告,称枪手将袭击她和她的学生,而警方却说他们无法再保证她的安全,于是她离开了巴西。

“The YouTube system of recommending the next video and the next video,” she said, had created “an ecosystem of hate.”

她认为,「YouTube 的视频推荐系统」制造了「一个充满仇恨的生态系统」。

“‘I heard here that she’s an enemy of Brazil. I hear in the next one that feminists are changing family values. And the next one I hear that they receive money from abroad” she said. “That loop is what leads someone to say ‘I will do what has to be done.’ ”

「一段视频说她是巴西的敌人。下一段视频说女权主义者正在改变家庭价值观。再下一段视频说他们收了来自海外的钱款。这种循环会将人们引向这样一种想法,觉得『我得去做必须要做的事』,」她说。

“We need the companies to face their role,” Diniz said. “Ethically, they are responsible.”

迪尼斯说:「那些公司要正视他们所扮演的角色。从道德上讲,他们应承担责任。」

As conspiracies spread on YouTube, video makers targeted aid groups whose work touches on controversial issues like abortion. Even some families that had long relied on such groups came to wonder if the videos might be true, and began to avoid them.

随着阴谋论在 YouTube 上的蔓延,视频制作者们又把目标对准了援助组织,后者的工作内容涉及诸如堕胎等争议问题。甚至有些长期依赖援助的家庭也因视频宣传起了疑心,开始回避援助组织。

In Brazil, this is a growing online practice known as “linchamento” — lynching. Bolsonaro was an early pioneer, spreading videos in 2012 that falsely accused left-wing academics of plotting to force schools to distribute “gay kits” to convert children to homosexuality.

在巴西,这种越来越流行的网络活动被称为「linchamento」,即私刑。博索纳罗是该活动的早期干将。2012 年,他上传了一些视频,错误地指责左翼学者密谋强迫学校分发「同性恋装备」,将儿童变成同性恋。

Jordy, Bolsonaro’s tattooed Niterói protégé, was untroubled to learn that his own YouTube campaign, accusing teachers of spreading communism, had turned their lives upside down.

博索纳托在尼泰罗伊的追随者、纹身仔乔迪,在得知自己那些指责教师传播共产主义思想的 YouTube 视频完全破坏了教师们的生活后,显得毫不在乎。

One of those teachers, Valeria Borges, said she and her colleagues had been overwhelmed with messages of hate, creating a climate of fear.

其中一个名叫瓦莱里娅·博尔热斯的教师说,她和她的同事们已经被充满仇恨的信息和恐惧气氛淹没。

Jordy, far from disputing this, said it had been his goal. “I wanted her to feel fear,” he said.

乔迪并没有就此辩解,反倒说那正是自己的目标。「我就是想让她害怕。」

“It’s a culture war we’re fighting,” he explained. “This is what I came into office to do.”

他解释说:「我们在打一场文化战争。这是我从政的目的。」

‘The Dictatorship of the Like’

「类独裁」

Ground zero for politics by YouTube may be the São Paulo headquarters of Movimento Brasil Livre, which formed to agitate for the 2016 impeachment of left-wing President Dilma Rousseff. Its members trend young, middle-class, right-wing and extremely online.

YouTube 上的政治原点或许就在巴西百科全书运动的圣保罗总部。这个机构是为了2016年弹劾左翼总统迪尔玛·罗塞夫而成立的,其成员多为年轻的右翼中产阶级和网络极端分子。

Renan Santos, the group’s national coordinator, gestured to a door marked “the YouTube Division” and said, “This is the heart of things.”

该组织的全国协调人雷南·桑托斯指着一扇标有「YouTube部门」字样的门说:「这里就是一系列事件的中心。」

Inside, eight young men poked at editing software. One was stylizing an image of Benito Mussolini for a video arguing that fascism had been wrongly blamed on the right.

房门之内,八个年轻人正用一款编辑软件忙乎着。其中一人在为一段视频编辑贝尼托·墨索里尼的图片,该视频辩称,将法西斯主义归咎于右翼是错误的做法。

But even some people here fear the platform’s impact on democracy. Santos, for example, called social media a “weapon,” adding that some people around Bolsonaro “want to use this weapon to pressure institutions in a way that I don’t see as responsible.”

但即便是在这里,也有人担心平台会对民主产生怎样的影响。例如,桑托斯把社交媒体称为「武器」,说博索纳罗身边的一些人「想利用这种武器,用一种我认为是不负责任的方式向体制施压」。

The group’s co-founder, a man-bunned former rock guitarist name Pedro D’Eyrot, said “we have something here that we call the dictatorship of the like.”

该组织的联合创始人、扎着发髻的前摇滚吉他手佩德罗·德洛特说,「这里有一种被我们称为类独裁的东西」。

Reality, he said, is shaped by whatever message goes most viral.

他说,现实是由流传最广的信息塑造的。

Even as he spoke, a two-hour YouTube video was captivating the nation. Titled “1964” for the year of Brazil’s military coup, it argued that the takeover had been necessary to save Brazil from communism.

就在他说出这番话的同时,一段时长两小时的 YouTube 视频吸引了全国上下的目光。这段以巴西军事政变之年「1964」命名的视频称,为了把巴西从共产主义思想中拯救出来,有必要夺取政权。

Dominguez, the teenager learning to play guitar, said the video persuaded him that his teachers had fabricated the horrors of military rule.

那个学吉他的少年多明格斯说,这段视频让他相信,老师们口中的军统恐怖都是胡编乱造。

Borges, the history teacher vilified on YouTube, said it brought back memories of military curfews, disappeared activists and police beatings.

在 YouTube 上受到攻击诋毁的历史教师博尔热斯则说,这让人联想起了军事宵禁、积极人士失踪和警察殴打民众的情景。

“I don’t think I’ve had my last beating,” she said.

「我想,我还没有经历过那种情形,」她说。

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原文标题:How YouTube Radicalized Brazil

原文作者:Max Fisher and Amanda Taub

翻译:熊猫译社 胡萌琦

@2019 The New York Times

原创文章,作者:非佛网,如若转载,请注明出处:https://www.radiospt.com/41/308210.html